Thailand’s attitude to gambling and it’s location in this occasionally tense part of the world means its borders offer an ideal location for what one might call ‘cottage-industry’ casinos.  On its western border is Myanmar (Burma), a country which may now be showing the first signs of emerging from fifty or so years of a brutal military regime.  That regime has resulted in massive refugee camps building up inside Thailand where the countries meet.

Victoria Point, Myanmar

There are more than a few border crossing points between the two countries and the one which is of interest to us is the sea crossing between Ranong on the Thai side and Victoria Point inside Myanmar.  This is a popular visa stamping location for expats and other tourists who enjoy not only the boat trip between the two locations, but also the Andaman Club Online Kasino and hotel which sits on an island midway between the two countries.

Those who are happy to pay a bit more for their visa service can hand over their passport to the appropriate people and spend a few hours or even days at this resort.  For those who like a few hours of Poker it’s an ideal solution – there are gaming rooms and slot machines here but of course you may find your trip cost more than you bargained for if you have a run of bad luck. Don’t forget your Joyland casino bonus codes!

With the gradual and predicted opening up of Myanmar for commercial opportunities we may well see more ventures such as this as the Myanmar authorities look to entice foreign investors to the country.  You will see very little refugee activity in this area as the sea crossing is much more difficult than using the numerous jungle trails.

While refugees have always streamed across the border at many locations, Poipet is one crossing point which demonstrates the gigantic strides which have been made in this part of the world (notwithstanding the current tension between Thailand and Cambodia).  Poipet is on the Cambodian side and the town of Trat is it’s Thai neighbour,  Between the two border security points is a sort of duty-free zone in which luxury casinos and hotels have been built.

From most points of view the expanding zone has been a unqualified success; it’s fair to say not many Cambodians use the facilities – those who live nearby are too poor and those from nearer the bigger cities can visit their own casinos, if they have the money.  While gambling is legal in Cambodia, it’s not in Thailand and thats why at any time of the day or night you will find those Poipet casinos filled with wealthy Thais playing Blackjack, Roulette Online and Texas Hold’em and other Casino Spiele.  These Thais rub shoulders with other tourists and Thai residents who make their way up from Bangkok for a few days spinning the Roulette wheel or playing Poker.

Added to these customers is a small but steady stream of young travellers for whom a Paypal Casino in this neutral zone provides a bit of ‘safe’ danger – a trip to the perceived badlands between two famous rival countries.

Poipet Casino

Thirty years ago, Cambodian refugees streamed across this border as they fled from Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge – now the site is a revenue generating project where Thais and Cambodians rub shoulders, although one lot are enjoying the facilities while the others are serving the drinks and cleaning the hotel rooms.

600,000 of the DRC’s estimated 1.7 million internally displaced population are in this area and recent heavy fighting between government troops, opposition forces and local defence militia has meant it is as bad now as it has been for some time.  Neighbouring Uganda is feeling the force of the consequences of the fighting and since the beginning of 2012 more than 3000 refugees have crossed the border from North Kivu.  While most are crossing from border areas in DRC, there are signs that more are heading across from further inside the country.

It seems likely that a three-way agreement between Uganda, DRC and the UNHCR will face problems if the fighting continues and refugees continue to cross the border.  The agreement was a process which began to return Congolese refugees to their home country from Uganda.  32000 had already returned voluntarily but some of those same refugee are now heading back to Uganda because of the recent increase in fighting and violence.

Congolese refugees in Uganda

Many Congolese refugees have been resident in camps and other areas of Uganda since the 1990s and the Congolese Civil War and these camps are largely supported by the UNHCR and the host country.  This means that at least the systems are in place to cope with any new refugees crossing the border and at the moment, sufficient food, shelter and medical supplies are in place.

The refugees are not just fleeing from the side effects of the fighting, many are reporting targeted attacks on civilians and attacks on villages at night have led to enitre villages decamping to safer areas.

What’s currently happening dates back some years.  Like many Saharan countries, Mali has a sizeable minority of Tuaregs and it is the Tuareg’s desire for some sort of autonomy within these countries which has often led to violence.  The first Tuareg rebellion was in 1990 and there have been several more in the years between then and 2009, each separated by peace negotiations, reparations and uneasy agreements.  In 2009 an official agreement seemed to have ended the conflict and that ceasefire was holding until recently.

Fighting between Tuareg separatists and Malian government forces has broken out in the north of Mali and there are more reports of conflict between the two sides in Tessalit and Tinezewadam near the Algerian border.  Although that latter violence has not led to any noticeable placement so far, the fighting in the north of Mali has led to a large increase in the number of refugees crossing over into Mauritania (18,000), Niger (18,000) and Burkino Faso (8,000).

Malian Refugees

Currently there are very few specific refugee sites in the areas to which Malians are fleeing;  villages close to the border areas have grown in size as makeshift shelters have been erected.  The problem has been exacerbated by a drought in the region which has been in evidence for several years.  This means a shortage of food is adding to the pressure on resources in the region and several aid agencies are moving in to fill the gap.

The UNHCR has started work on renovating the Mbéra refugee camp which was operational in the 1990s and has been flying and trucking in food, water and shelter.

Yemen is a dangerous place to be for a refugee, asylum seeker or one of the majority who use it as a transit to a more stable Persian Gulf country.  Violence from the traffickers occurs even before the refugees have landed.  Somalians and Ethiopians are the most common refugees arriving here.  Somalis are in a better position as they are automatically recognized as refugees, negating the need for documentation and allowing mostly free movement.

Somali Refugees

Ethiopians on the other hand are not seen as refugees.  This is largely because they are economic migrants and heading on to another Gulf state.  It also means their movement in Yemen is restricted and their access to documentation is limited.  It also means they are often detained, forcing many to avoid the authorities but increasing the likelihood they will fall victim to robbers, blackmailers and extortionists.

The backdrop to this is an almost 100% increase in the number of refugees making the dangerous trip across the water.  103,000 refugees made the journey in 2011, in 2010 it was 53,000.  2011 was the highest total of any year on record.  Ethiopians also account for 75% of that total with Somalis making up the rest – however only 20% of these Ethiopian refugees actually apply for asylum in Yemen.

One can only surmise that these East African refugees regard Yemen, however harsh it might be, as better than where they are coming from.  Somalia has been a war-torn, chaotic country for several decades now and the famine of recent months had made the situation worse. so perhaps anything is better at the moment.  Ethiopia has also had it’s own issues in 2011 although it has largely escaped the famine affecting Somalia.  In fact it has some of the largest refugee camps in the region to house fleeing Somalis.

65 year old Buntha Mkewyu went to work for an oil company in the Sudanese Blue Nile town of Maganza in 2007.  When fighting broke out between Sudanese faction in late 2011, Mkewyu was forced to flee but was picked up by Sudan People’s Liberation Army – North (SPLA-N) soldiers and dropped off at another foreign company for safekeeping.  Here he encountered John Borl Akol, a young Sudanese man also escaping from the violence who helped communicate with the non-English speaking Mkewyu.

Picking up a group of Indian nationals, the made their way to the towns of Dinduro, then Kurmuk, before nearby bombing raids forced them across the border to Ethiopia.  The Indians headed to their embassy for a speedy repatriation but Mkewyu, without any Thai embassy or representation nearby, had no choice but to join his Sudanese friends in approaching the Ethiopian Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA).  Normally, a citizen of a foreign country would not be eligible for this type of help; a UNHCR spokesperson explained that as “Mkewyu is not an asylum-seeker, refugee or stateless person…[or]….internally displaced” he would not receive aid.  But sometimes circumstances dictate otherwise and Mkewyu was signed in to Tongo refugee camp.

Mkewyu and Akol say farewell

Mkewyu and Akol shared a tent and Akol made sure that his Thai companion had everything he needed to make his time in camp as comfortable as possible.  His neighbours also shared their meals and Mkewyu passed his time doing his share of the laundry and cooking while ARRA treid to work out what to do with him.

It appears that the main sticking point was obtaining a permit to travel within Ethiopia and leave the refugee camp.  The usual nature of this type of camp means the host government does not want the inhabitants leaving the site.  Eventually, following the involvement of UNHCR, ARRA, the International Organisation for Migration, Mkewyu’s employer and Thai officials, permission was finally granted by ARRA for him to leave the camp and make his way to a location in Ethiopia from where he could return to Thailand.

It’s a story with a happy ending of course, but the questions to be asked must be why Thailand has been so ineffective in helping its citizen out of a precarious situation.  Just because there is no official representation in the country, it shouldn’t have stopped the Thai authorities extricating one of their citizens immediately.  Thailand does seem to have some form in this area, leaving their citizens to their own devices in awkward situations.

Would the French government, or the German government, have allowed one of their nationals to languish in a refugee camp for even one day before pulling out all the stops to get them to a more appropriate place?  Thailand needs to do more to protect its citizens abroad.

Geneva this week hosts what is though to be the biggest ever conference on the subject of refugees, displaced persons and the stateless.  It’s a UNHCR affair and designed to tie in with the 60th anniversary the UNHCR and the  UN Convention on the Status of Refugees. In it also the 50th anniversary of the Convention of the Reduction of Statelessness.

The importance of the occasion is highlighted by the list of those attending and the fact that more than 150 countries have said they are sending representatives to Geneva.  US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton has confirmed her appearance as a representative of that country.

The remise of the meeting is that High Commissioner Antonio Guterres will speak about forthcoming proposals which the organisation feels are vital to enable the UNHCR to continue to deal with displaced and stateless people around the world.  Many countries have already accepted the new proposals in principle and it is also hoped that those who are are not yet signed up to the 1951 Refugee Convention will rethink their opposition to that most fundamental of agreements.  The meeting will also offer some of the most seriously affected countries a chance to elaborate on the specific and sometimes individual problems which affect them.

Refugee Boat Capsizes off Moroccan Coast

The Moroccan Royal Navy last week rescued many passengers from a refugee boat which had capsized not far from the Moroccan coast.  The boat was almost certainly en route to Europe when it got into difficulties late last week.  Although most were rescued by the Navy, four of the refugees are known to have drowned and several others are unaccounted for.

There appears to have been an increase in migrant crossings of this stretch of water in recent weeks and regional navies such as Italy, Libya and Malta have all reported seizures or rescues of overcrowded boats.

Somali Refugee Boat

Most observers probably didn’t expect the independence of South Sudan to solve the tensions and violence which have dogged this area of East Africa for decades and those expectations are slowly being realised.  We have reported recently on the situation on the border between the two countries in Unity State, Blue Nile and the Upper Nile areas.

Bombing runs have been happening for some weeks now in these areas and the flow of refugees into the refugee camps in Ethiopia has been steadily increasing as the situation there becomes untenable.  Sudanese officials in Khartoum not surprisingly deny that they are behind the bombing, especially following the direct attack on the Yida camp in Unity State on Thursday 12th November.  Juba, the capital of South Sudan, says Sudan is trying to drag the area back into a “meaningless war“.

The Yida Refugee Camp - bombed recently

A more disturbing suspicion is that Khartoum is supporting disparate rebel groups in the South and there have been a number of attacks in areas, particularly in Unity State and Upper Nile, where oilfields are located.  For it’s part, Sudan’s government in Khartoum accuses Juba of supporting anti-government rebels in the Blue Nile and South Kordofan regions in the border areas of Sudan.

South Sudan Liberation Army

What’s in no doubt is the fact that the rebels exist, at least in the South;  the South Sudan Liberation Army (SSLA) maintain that they are fighting against mismanagement of oil revenues as well as government corruption and a lack of progress.  It’s an easy step to suggest that Sudan is supporting this group to attempt to destabilise the new country and to disrupt what should be a lucrative oil industry.

Many of the problems arise from issues which are still unresolved following the independence of South Sudan.  Some of the areas between Sudan and South Sudan have undetermined border demarkations and the destination of oil revenues has yet to be satisfactorily determined.

Angola is by no means a democratic, prosperous nation,  In 2008 it was ranked 44th out of 48 African nations in 2008 on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance.  In recent years the political system has become less democratic as President Jose Eduardo dos Santos has tightened his grip on most aspects of Angolan life.

However, when one compares the situation now with the violent conflict which blighted the country for almost three decades pre-2002, it is undeniably a better place.  In that year the two main factions, UNITA (National Union for the Total independence of Angola) and the MPLA (The People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola – Labour Party) agreed a ceasefire which largely ended the civil war which had raged for the previous thirty years.

So it’s still a pretty desperate place but one which Angolan refugees are increasingly keen to return to.  Last week the UNHCR began a programme of repatriations that will result in the return of more than 40,000 Angolans to their home country by the end of the project.  The focus is currently on refugees who been resident in the west of the Democratic Republic of Congo, some for several decades.  Around 80,000 are resident in the country in total.  So far about 20,000 Angolans have signed up to take part in the process.

Angola’s infrastructure is poor and one of the reasons why previous attempts at repatriation have struggled.  An earlier project stalled in 2007 because of logistical problems.  This project has been jointly organised by Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo and the UNHCR and the UN involvement will consist of 18 months of checks and monitoring to ensure refugees receive the help and support they have been promised.

UNHCR Monitoring

The Angolan authorities have promised to provide support via several methods including micro-credit, housing and vocational training and it is these that will be monitored.  In what looks to be a piece of political opportunism, the first group to be bussed across the border to the Angolan town of Luvo were greeted by Angolan Minister for Assistance and Social Reintegration Joao Baptista Kussumua who said that:

“We are starting today the repatriation process which will result in the return of 43,000 refugees.  We have a responsibility to the children who return today to make sure they will be able to study.”

Angolan Minister Joao Baptista Kussumua

Returnees are first taken to the Kimpese transit centre on the DRC/Angolan border where they sign voluntary repatriation forms which will act as a temporary Angolan ID. At Kimpese they also undergo medical screening and receive vaccinations.

Neighbouring Countries

The Democratic Republic of Congo is not the only country in the region to be sheltering Angolan refugees; Congo, Zambia, Botswana and Namibia all have smaller amounts resident within their borders.  The UNHCR has been undertaking fundraising efforts to help in the repatriation of these refugees in recent years and some have already been helped to return from Zambia while others are preparing to return from the Congo.

Kimpese Transit Centre

Antonio Guterres

the world.  The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has just released it’s report entitled Asylum Levels and Trends in Industrialised Countries which covers the first six month of the year up to 30th June.

The report says that the number of asylum seekers heading to Western idustrialised countries has risen 17% compared to the same period last year and estimates that if the trend continues, more than 400,000 applications for asylum could be lodged by the year’s end.

Interestingly the Arab Spring, which dominated the beginning of the year and still continues today in Bahrain and Syria (and looks to have been successful in Libya), did not produce as many asylum seekers as one might imagine.  Presumably this is because most of those who fled from their home countries left with the intention of returning and therefore had no need to apply for asylum.  Although many Tunisians made their way to Italy via Lampedusa, many returned when the situation became calmer.  Others fleeing internal conflict tended to head to neighbouring countries for shelter rater than make longer journeys further afield.  The report goes on to say that most applications are continuing to arrive from the usual areas such as China and Afghanistan.  The list of the top 5 countries from which applications are received are as follows:

• Afghanistan – 15,300
• China – 11,700
• Serbia/Kosovo – 10,300
• Iraq – 10,100
• Iran – 7,600

The destinations of most asylum seekers remain the same with Europe accounting for 73% of the global total although the United States has the highest number of applications per country.  The list of favoured destinations and the number of application requests is as follows:

• United States – 36,400
• France – 26,100
• Germany – 20,100
• Sweden – 12,600
• United Kingdom – 12,200

Antonion Guterres, current UN Refugee Commissioner said that “…2011 has been a year if displacement crises unlike any other I have seen in my time as High Commissioner.”